Index:
Steve Biko, P. W. Botha, Ruth First, Mahatma
Gandhi, Nadine Gordimer, J. B. M. Hertzog, F.
W. de Klerk, Albert Luthuli, Nelson
Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Sol Plaatje,
Cecil John Rhodes, Olive Schreiner, Joe
Slovo, Jan Smuts, Robert Sobukwe, Oliver
Tambo, Bishop Desmond Tutu, Hendrik Verwoerd, Dr.
A. B. Xuma
The extent of social interaction between different societies in these separate tribes is some what unclear, in particular the relations between hunters, herders and farmers. It is believed however there was a period of interaction between these societies. “Economic, linguistic, ritual and other ties formed lasting bonds between these societies” (33). However this balance of power between these different social classes began to break down.
By the late seventeenth century the Xhosa vanguard advanced through what is now known as the Ciskei region. By the early eighteenth century Xhosa had gone as far as the Gamtous River and by the mid-eighteenth century they occupied the land between present day Port Elizabeth and Fish River. From the 1770’s on, the Xhosa were in constant contact with the Dutch farmers, who were expanding as well. The Xhosa continued to push westward and continued to expand their territory.
Many historians today believe that such African Tribes like the Xhosa were made up of segmented states containing different political units under chiefs who were in turn members of the same royal lineage. The Xhosa chief was seen as the guardian of his people, he protected them from all harm, he was in charge of their entire environment. These segmented states, like the Xhosa had, were stronger than the loosely organized cheifdoms. However it was weaker than the centralized kingdoms that developed along the Limpopo River. The history of the Xhosa people is somewhat unclear. However two things are very clear: the Xhosa people where very successful in expanding there territory and relatively successful in establishing a stable form of governmental rule for its people.
Switzer, Les. Power and Resistance in an African Society. Wisconsin: U of Wisconsin P, 1993.
The Zulus of South Africa have been around for centuries. Their unique culture includes various interesting aspects, notably the empowerment of women, who are the heads of their households and who make most of the economic decisions. They raise cattle and farm vegetable crops for their own sustenance. The leader, or tribe chief, is empowered through his genealogy. He is an internal power, as well as a communicative link to the nation. Their religion revolves around a belief in a god, Nkulunkulu, as the creator. To them, misfortune is not a result of nature, but a punishment implemented by evil, offended spirits. A major aspect of their religion is cleanliness, including exorbitant bathing, up to three times daily, and the separation of plates and utensils for various foods. Their culture is widely known for their beadwork.
The term "Zulu" has evolved with time. Prior to the 1800s, the Zulus were known as the kinds of a small tributary of the Mthethwa kingdom. As the power of these kinds grew, they conquered the Mthethwas and other small kingdoms to earn the reputation of a strong empire. The heart of this power developed on South Africa's east coast, an area that was attractive to the British, who were in search of trade for profit. By the 1840s, the British had established a colony, Natal, just to the south of Zululand. By the 1870s, the British were looking to implement development on economic policy in order to control the South African Kingdoms. Sir Henry Bartle Frere, British High Commissioner in South Africa, felt the strong, self-reliant Zulus threatened his country's policies. In 1878, he boldly confronted Zulu King Cetshwayo KaMpanale. He saw the Zulu army, with their simple shields and spears, as an easy defeat. In January 1879, the British suffered a disastrous loss after invading Zululand. More than 1,300 British fighters were lost under the leadership of Lt. Gen. Lord Chelmsford. However, by the end of June, the resilient British forces had reached Ulundi, their enemy's capital. On July 4, King Cetshwayo had fled the city after it was torched, and the British claimed victory.
With the infusion of apartheid, civil war has been persistent. The formation of the Inkatha Freedom Party created even more national division. Essentially, present day Zulus tend to identify with the Inkatha Freedom Party whose main belief is ". . . that the political stability and economic prosperity of [their] society must be founded in humanistic culture of respect for the people, regarded both as individuals and as members of the social and cultural formations to which they belong." Their primary doctrine is "to ensure the maintenance of a stable, peaceful society in which all people can pursue their individual and collective happiness, and realise their potential without fear or favour." Conversely, the African National Congress, formed in 1912, sees diverse economic policy to be a divisive force, working against the creation of a nation. Years of fighting have focused on the debate over what the Zulu union should be in relationship to the South African union, with no resolution.
Constitution of Inkatha Freedom Party. <http://www.ifp.org.za/detail.htm>.
Africa Policy Information Center. <http://www.africapolicy.org>.
"Zulu Information." Arts & Life in Africa Online. <http://www.uiowa.edu/~africart/toc/people/Zulu.html>.
After being expelled from high school for political activism, Biko managed to enroll in and graduate (1966) from St. Francis College, a liberal boarding school in Natal, and then entered the University of Natal Medical School.
Steve Biko was many things to many people such as:
Biko's black activism eventually drew official censure when he and other
SASO members were served with "banning" orders in February 1973, tightly
restricting their associations, movements, and public statements. Biko
then operated covertly. He was arrested four times over the next two years
and was held without trial for months at a time. On Aug. 18, 1977, he and
a fellow activist were seized at a roadblock and jailed in Port Elizabeth.
There, during the next 24 days, held naked and manacled, he evidently suffered
three brain lesions that, according to the postmortem, were caused by "application
of force to his head."
Denied medical attention, he died after being trucked in an unconscious
state 740 miles (1,190 km) to Pretoria on September 11. The five former
police officers have been identified in news reports as Col. Harold Snyman,
who led the team that interrogated Biko; Lt. Col. Gideon Niewoudt, a detective
sergeant at the time; Ruben Marx, a warrant officer; Daantjie Siebert,
a captain; and Johan Beneke, a warrant officer. An inquest absolved the
police of any wrongdoing under the Apartheid regime. Recently, the Committee
refused amnesty to the five applicants. of Truth and Reconciliation refused
to give amnesty to some of them Biko's death at age 30 impassioned the
anti-apartheid movement inside and outside of South Africa.
Steve Biko and Black Consciousness Primer
Biko firmly believed that "black liberation" had to start with "black psychological self-reliance" and that as the consciousness of Africans increased, white liberals could not continue to act as spokesmen for the black population. He also believed that in South Africa it is impossible for a white person to put himself or herself into a black person's situation in the same way as it was impossible to have a true black spokesman in a white context. He did not reject white liberals as such, but considered that anyone opposing the system of apartheid was not automatically an ally. Biko did not believe that real black liberation could be won under a white liberal leadership who would inhibit the struggle with too gentle and inadequate solutions. The ideology of Black Consciousness was not racist but an attempt to adjust to the conditions of the society in which it operated. The myth that white is superior and black inferior in South Africa convinced Biko that the black population needed their own organisations to develop a group pride and feelings of humanity from which the psychological and physical oppression of the system could begin to be overcome. These views were bound to bring supporters and leaders of the movement into direct conflict with Nationalist Party policies.
Steve Biko, Memorial Homepage. <http://home.ici.net/~nikos/biko1.html>.
Infotrac, "Steve Biko" research type
"Biko's Black Consciousness." The Road to Soweto. < http://www.history.und.ac.za/soweto/bikothe.htm>.
"Biko's Family." The Road to Soweto. < http://www.history.und.ac.za/soweto/newpage41.htm>.
Everett, Nathan. "Steve Biko Pictoral Archive." 1 Aug. 1998. 13 Feb. 2000. <http://home.ici.net/~nikos/biko3.html>.
Gandhi is known for his non-violent protests for Indian rights. However, what most people do not know is how he became this way. Gandhi once said he was born in India but made in South Africa. Gandhi's stay in South Africa was a defining moment in his life, which sparked a desire to change the way Indians are treated in every aspect of civilization.
In 1891 Gandhi decided to take a job in a firm in Natal, South Africa. When he arrived, he was shocked by the horrible segregation and racial discrimination. From the start of his journey, Gandhi was welcomed with a cruel hand of injustice. When he was attacked for changing his seat on his 2nd class train ride, Gandhi did not raise a hand. Even when he was beaten by other racists he would not testify in order to have time prosecuted. He was, however, about to leave when he learned of a bill that would take the vote away from Indians in South Africa. It was when he decided to stay and fight for their rights, when he really learned to appreciate the strength of the culture. While working with the Indians, he found a new sense of pride and strength in his people.
"It was they, the simple-minded folk, working away in faith, never expecting the slightest reward, who inspired me, who kept me to the proper level, and who compelled me by their great faith, by their great trust in the great God to do the work that I was able to do" (Collected Works volume 13 pgs. 52-52).
By seeing firsthand the faith and trust in their god he realized what
it took to fight against all the injustices his people endured. On January
9, 1915, Gandhi returned to Bombay after 21 years in exile. He returned
a stronger activist in the struggle for Indian rights. He once said, "he
was born in India but made in South Africa" (Collected Works, Volume 87
pg. 257).
I was assigned to investigate Nelson Mandela but was side tracked to report on a friend and colleague of his. Yet the colleague spoke highly and often of Mandela in the interview in which I reviewed. The interview was of Nadine Gordimer. The forum was the Television show World of Ideas with host Bill Moyers. The interview was entitled “On Being a Liberal White South African.” Nadine is an author, an activist, and a firm believer of equal rights. She had the interview in 1990 in the heat of Nelson’s release from prison and rise to the presidency.
The interview began with a short sum up of the current, 1990, state
of South Africa. With many relation statements made to that of the USA’s
social state in the 1950’s, South Africa was seeing its time of change
in the 1990’s. A social revolution in
terms of racial boundaries, that have been set up by years of obedience
to them as well as false images of each race, was underway. Yet as in any
labeled “revolution,” there was much blood shed. The revolution was thought
to be whites versus blacks, but as the white female (Nadine Gordimer) believes
it not be so.
Host Bill D. Moyers begins the interview speaking to Nadine about her books, her life, and her current outlook on South Africa. Nadine quickly brushes by the questions of her books and speaks of the changes of ideals in her life from a child to a woman. “ I did not think, as a child, that blacks wanted to come to places like the beach,” she stated. She revealed some misconceptions she had as a child that she believes are common of Whites in South Africa. One was dealing with trying on clothes. Any white woman could walk into a store and try anything on, yet a black woman could barely try on one dress. The reason for this was because whites had an image of blacks being dirty, diseased, and disgusting. Nadine smirked and said it was ridiculous. Yet it is still images like that which keep the revolution from succeeding. Nadine being white and believing in equal rights for blacks says it is not whites vs. Blacks as much as it is people in favor of segregation vs. Equal rights activists. The apartheid is tone of those groups in South Africa. Nadine is a member of as well as Nelson Mandela.
She began to speak of Nelson Mandela as a modern day Martin Luther King. Nelson was imprisoned for years with much support to set him free. Many felt Mandela was a god of some sort, that when he was released their lives would just turn around. Many had too much faith in him, but this faith brought together the equal rights revolution. With massive amounts flocking to side with Mandela, many white supremacist groups became concerned and threatened. They began violence to try to cut the band of people down to extinguish the support of equal rights and continue on in South Africa as a segregated country. As any other fight goes, one throws a punch the other responds and they continue. Violence was brought frequently to the streets. Nadine did not support this action. She, along with Mandela, have been steady protesters and leaders but not soldiers. Taking action slowly but through politics, she felt, is the only way to success. She sees enlightening the country to be impossible, frankly by saying “ it has taken me a lifetime to see.” She doesn’t expect anyone else just to accept the ideas she is preaching. Though she admits the chances of true success is very improbable, she says, “ I am not a pessimist, I am a realist.”
She concludes the ideal success would be to dislike or disagree without blame on racism. That is the goal.
Gordimer, Nadine and Bill D. Moyers. “On Being a Liberal White South
African.” A World of Ideas (Television Program). Princeton,
NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences, 1994.
The life of Frederick Willem de Klerk, also known as F. W. de Klerk, can be summed up in one word: politics. All his life, F. W. de Klerk was surrounded by the politics involving his native South Africa. De Klerk grew up a white boy in a family of Afrikaner politicians, where the National Party was the main focus of the family's attention for three generations. De Klerk's great-grandfather, Jan van Rooy, served as a senator in South Africa. F. W.'s grandfather, Willem de Klerk, was a clergyman active in party politics, and Jan de Klerk, F. W.'s father, served as a senator also for fifteen years in the cabinets of three prime ministers. He was also the president for seven years of a now defunct Senate. F. W.'s uncle by marriage was in fact Prime Minister J. G. Strijdom, the extremely uncompromising white supremacist who led the campaign in the late 1950's to establish South Africa as an independent republic outside the British Commonwealth.
The de Klerk family also belonged to the smallest of three branches of the Afrikaner establishment known as the Dutch Reformed Church, called the Gereformeerde Kerk, or the Dopper Church. The Doppers, or the fundamentalists, were reputed to be the most attached to church dogma. F. W.'s brother, Willem de Klerk, described F. W. as "an Afrikaner Calvinist" whose political values were grounded in religious morality. Religion also explained F. W.'s strong conviction that Afrikaners had to maintain their own culture, language, and history in order to preserve their own identity. De Klerk's Dopper affiliation explained his steadfast refusal to agree that the apartheid had been a "sin." He faced a lot of pressure to make a public confession, but de Klerk felt that he didn't need to apologize for the apartheid. According to him, it was not inherently wrong and no "evil" intent toward the black population motivated its doings.
De Klerk's lack of recognition that there was nothing wrong with the apartheid led to the explanation that in his speeches, there was an absence of an attempt to justify, or argue for, his reforms on moral grounds. De Klerk had no moral imperative steering him in his reforms and in what he was doing. However, on October 9, 1992, in the small Afrikaner town of Winburg, de Klerk publicly announced an "apology," not a "confession of sin," about the apartheid.
It has been said that there was no person better suited to lead the reform process within the National Party. De Klerk was a true, blue-blooded Nationalist. His family was never wealthy, but they were typical of the modern, urbanized Afrikaners whose power derived mainly from holding political office and controlling the machinery of the state. De Klerk's father was a schoolteacher, and F. W.'s early life saw constant address changes due to his father's being transferred from school to school. F. W. was later sent to an Afrikaner boarding school in Krugersdorp, where he distinguished himself as a debater and a Latin scholar. He also attended the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and received a B. A. and a law degree in 1958. De Klerk was elected vice-president of the Students' Representative Council, executive member of the Afrikaanese Studentebond, which was an Afrikaner youth organization, and editor of the university newspaper. De Klerk has also been know to be a ladies' man, sensitive to the "beautiful things" in the world due to the upbringing by his mother.
F. W. met his wife Marike at "Potch," the university, and married her in 1959. He served an apprenticeship in a Pretoria law firm and in 1961, he bought his own practice in Vereeniging. De Klerk was successful as a lawyer there, but he cut his career short when in 1972, the National Party asked him to run for Parliament. He won, and six years later, he was selected by Prime Minister John Vorster to serve as minister of posts and telecommunications. It was de Klerk who masterminded the circumvention of the international sanctions purchase of the country's first digital phone system and its spare parts. De Klerk went on to serve as five other cabinet posts over eleven years, attracting the public's notice after becoming the education and home affairs minister in 1984. De Klerk became the target of the antiapartheid movement as education minister because the only reform of the educational system that he would entertain was the equalization of spending for white, black, and Coloured schoolchildren. The "separate but equal" approach was even vetoed by President Botha.
F. W.'s wife Marike said that her husband emerged into political consciousness of the white community around 1982. At this time, he became the National Party chairman for the Transvaal Province following the defection of Andreis Treurnicht and his followers. De Klerk was supposed to stop the hemorrhage of National Party members into Treurnicht's new Conservative Party. De Klerk became the chairman of the minister's council in the House of Assembly in 1985 and eighteen months later, he moved up to Leader of the House.
The amazing aspect about de Klerk's rise to power in South Africa is that he made his way up the party and government ladders without becoming tainted by scandal and never having held any "security cabinet" position. De Klerk's cabinet career left no strong impression on anyone outside the inner Afrikaner circles. He was never energetic nor forceful as a minister, and he left all the minor details to his subordinates. However, Frederick Willem de Klerk will always be known as one of South Africa's great leaders.
Ottaway, David. Chained Together: Mandela, De Klerk, and the Struggle to Remake South Africa. New York: Times Books, 1993.
F(rederick) W(illem) de Klerk was a pivotal player in the abolishment of apartheid in South Africa. De Klerk was born March 18, 1936 in Johannesburg, South Africa and earned a law degree from Potchefstroom University in 1958 (“F. W. de Klerk”). De Klerk married Marike Willemse and they had three children. Mr. de Klerk was elected to the South African parliament in 1972 running for the National Party. He became the leader of the National Party in 1989. In September of 1989, he was elected President of South Africa (“F. W. de Klerk”).
De Klerk was instrumental in the abolishment of apartheid. Apartheid
had been in place since the elections of 1948 when the National Party narrowly
gained control of the parliament. Apartheid discriminated against all non-whites,
especially black people. Apartheid was designed to separate the races economically,
politically, geographically, and socially (“Republic of South
Africa”). These practices continued and strengthened for many decades
until economic sanctions (that began in the late 1970’s) from other
nations of the world became too unbearable. When de Klerk became president,
he ordered the release of the African National Congress leader, Nelson
Mandela and other black political leaders. This was the first of major
changes that led to the end of apartheid. Under de Klerk’s leadership,
the government repealed any remaining laws that gave apartheid its legality.
By 1992, South Africa had adopted a new constitution which banned any form
of apartheid. Nelson Mandela became the country's new president and de
Klerk took a more limited role in the South African government (“F. W.
de Klerk”).
For de Klerk’s and Mandela’s efforts, the two men were each awarded the Noble Peace Prize in 1993 for negotiating the country’s change into a non-racist society. A new constitution was ratified in 1996 which prevented minority parties from having officials in the executive cabinet of the government which gave no place for de Klerk. In 1996, de Klerk along with other members of the National Party, announced that they would withdraw from their cabinet posts so they could establish the National Party as a formal opposition party (“F. W. de Klerk”).
“F. W. de Klerk.” Microsoft Encarta. 1997. CD-Rom.
“Republic of South Africa.” Microsoft Encarta. 1997. CD-Rom.
“South Africa’s Apartheid Era and the Transition to Multiracial Democracy.”
Facts on File World News CD-ROM. September 1998. 14 February
2000. <http://www.facts.com/cd/o94317.htm>
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela is a 20th century South African political leader who is known internationally for his life-long dedication to the fight against racial oppression in South Africa, which won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993 and the presidency of his country ("Nelson Mandela"). Mr. Mandela is a vital force in the fight for human rights and racial equality.
Nelson Mandela is the foster son of Thembu chief. He was raised in the traditional, tribal culture of his ancestors ("Mandela"). Nelson was an underground leader. During the Ribonia Trial of 1964 he was sentenced to life imprisonment.
Nelson Mandela wrote the book Long Walk to Freedom. In his book he tells his life story and his struggles to make the world a better place. He also provides the ultimate inside account of the unforgettable events since his release from jail that produced at last a free, multiracial democracy in South Africa ("Mandela").
The South African political leader has worked most of his life to end apartheid (racial separation) in which blacks were unable to participate in government. He led the African National Congress in negotiations for an end to apartheid and the establishment of a multiracial government.
"Nelson Mandela." 14 February 2000. <http://www.anc.org.za/people/mandela.html>.
Cecil John Rhodes played an important role in South African history. Rhodes was a colonial statesman who promoted British rule in South Africa. He is remembered mainly for becoming a financier and forming the De Beers Mining Company.
Rhodes was born in 1853 in Bishop's Stortford, England. The legacy he built up in Africa began when at the age of 17, in 1870, he was sent to what is now known as the Republic of South Africa. A few years later at the age of 19 Rhodes became a diamond prospector when diamond fields were discovered in Kimberly in Cape Colony. It was by becoming a diamond prospector that Rhodes made his fortune. Between the years of 1873 and 1881, Rhodes returned to England to study at the University of Oxford. During this period of time, Rhodes went on to form the De Beers Mining Company, which he controlled. Another great achievement at that point in his life was entering the Cape Colony Parliament, where he held his seat for life.
It was following 1881 that Rhodes's involvement with South African government commenced. Rhodes did many great things while in his position of power. Rhodes was mostly responsible for the annexation of what is today Botswana, in 1885. In 1888, he also gained exclusive rights for mining diamonds and monopolized diamond production. In 1889 Rhodes incorporated the British South Africa Company, which controlled what is now Zimbabwe and Zambia until 1923. This area was named Rhodesia in 1894.
Along with all the good things that Rhodes did for South Africa, he also did some things that could have hurt the country. In 1890 Rhodes became Prime Minister of Cape Colony. However, in 1895 he supported a conspiracy by British settlers to overthrow the government that was dominated by Boers. During that year, there was an invasion, but Rhodes was acquitted of responsibility; however, for his role, he was forced to resign from his premiership.
Following his resignation, Rhodes concentrated his time on Rhodesia. He was also prominent in the defense of Kimberly during the Boer War in 1899-1902. Before the war ended, Rhodes died in 1902. Rhodes left an incredible legacy behind him. In his will he bequeathed his fortune to the formation of the Rhodes Scholarships, which will teach and benefit many more future leaders of South Africa.
Encyclopedia Brittanica
Encarta Online
Joe Slovo was a very important character in the battle for Human Rights in South Africa. Comrade Joe, as he was often referred to, "...committed himself to one major goal--the removal of the racist regime and power for the people" (Mandela vii). His whole life up to his death on January 6, 1995 was lived to meet his only major goal, and before his death the goal was met. His accomplishments throughout his lifetime helped build a strong foundation for change in South Africa. Comrade Joe was National Chairperson for SACP (South African Communist Party), Central Committee and Politburo member for SACP, National Executive Committee member for ANC (African National Congress), National Working Committee member for ANC, and Minister of Housing for Government of National Unity at the time of his death. He was not a slacker and worked vigorously throughout his life to retain these positions for achievement toward his goal. Comrade Joe rose up in the ranks to become Chief of Staff of the People's Army, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), which in Zulu means "Spear of the Nation," a military wing formed by ANC to lead sabotage campaigns against the government that he fought against ("Slovo" 1).
"When the working people start enjoying, as a right, a roof over their heads, affordable medical care, quality education, and rising standard of living, they will be right to say, Comrade Joe was a chief architect who helped lay the foundation for a better life" stated Nelson Mandela, a leader and friend, at his funeral, developing on how much change Slovo aided in bringing about to the system/society in South Africa. Comrade Joe was a military strategist, intelligent politician, and a dedicated patriot besides his job title as merely a theoretician (Mandela viii).
Comrade Joe shared his fight toward his goal with Ruth First, who was the daughter of Julius First, SACP treasurer. Ruth and he married in 1949 and worked together as activists in the ANC, writing numerous articles for SACP to bring change to South Africa. In 1956, Slovo and First were arrested for treason, from his associations with the People's Army and put on trial with other members of ANC. Charges were later dropped and Slovo could return to following his goals. In 1982, First was killed by a parcel bomb believed to have been sent by apartheid regime. Before his death from bone marrow cancer, all his life goals were accomplished. Now only "good things" can be accomplished in South Africa aided by assistance from Comrade Joe.
Address by President Nelson Mandela at the Funeral of Joe Slovo. 15 Jan. 1995. Joe Slovo Bibliography. < http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/mandela/1995/sp950115.html>.
Dolny, Helena. Slovo--The Unfinished Autobiography. South Africa: Raven Press (Pty) Ltd, 1995.
Joe Slovo Bibliography. <http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/people/slovo.html>.
Throughout the past century, there have been conflicts surrounding the various racial and ethnic groups in South Africa. The early part of the century had many battles between these groups of people. Beginning in the 1950's, the conflicts over the ethnic and racial backgrounds of people went to the forefront. These problems were becoming such a problem that the government even had split opinions on the matter. Since the government was taking too long to come up with solutions to these problems, individuals started to take it upon themselves to try to invent solutions to cure these problems. One such man was Robert Sobukwe, who played a huge role helping Africans gain equal rights in South Africa.
Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe was born in Graaff-Reinet, known as the Gem of the Karoo, in the southeast of South Africa in 1924. As a child, Sobukwe was confronted by the many problems in South Africa. He was aware and constantly reminded of the fact that he was not considered to be "equal" to the white man. As he grew older, Sobukwe could really see how people like him were being degraded and wanted to see the discrimination stop. This determination led Robert to become one of the greatest Africans who ever lived.
Robert Sobukwe had had enough of having his people being put down and really wanted to make a difference. Sobukwe did not agree with what the African National Congress (ANC) was doing to gain rights for Africans. His leadership skills inspired him to construct his own anti-government group--the Pan Africanist Congress, or PAC. PAC was constructed for the sole purpose of going totally against whatever the ANC believed or was fighting for. As a result, this gave Africans a different option for fighting against the South African government. Now the the Pan Africanist Congress was started, Sobukwe needed to get the group into society. Sobukwe started to organize protests that were in direct contradiction to the ANC. However, certain events of the past began to slow down Sobukwe and his movement.
In the early part of the 1960's, a terrible tragedy happened in South Africa: police killed ten Africans, who were in protest. The government agreed that this act by the police would fall under the Public Safety Act of 1953. "This act stated that the government could detain or question anyone who was suspected of committing a crime. Furthermore, anyone suspected of organizing any riots could also be arrested" ("Public Safety Act of 1953"). Since this law was passed, the government went out, tracked down Sobukwe, and arrested him for organizing riots. He was sentenced to three years in prison on Robben Island. After completing his sentence, Robert fell victim to the government again. The government issued the "Sobukwe Clause" and this stated that they could hold him on the island for an extended period of time. The government held him on Robben Island for an additional six years. "Once Sobukwe got off the island, he was banished to Kimberly, where he remained until his death in 1977" ( "ZA@PLAY-BOOKS").
Robert Sobukwe tried to make a difference for his people and he certainly did. Sobukwe's group helped many Africans to express their opinions and get their point across to the government. Even though he did not live to see it, he helped to establish the current government of South Africa. All of these contributions by Sobukwe show that he was more than just a man, but a giant among men.
"Buthelezi to Address Sobukwe Rally." Dispatch Online. 26 Feb. 1998. 12 February 2000. <http://www.dispatch.co.za/1998/02/26/Easterncape/BUTHELEZ.HTM>.
"Benjamin Pogrund." Ottowa International Writers Festival. 13 February 2000. <http://www.writersfest.com/html/pogrund.html>.
"Public Safety Act of 1953." 12 February 2000. <http://www.history.und.ac.za/Soweto/public.htm>.
"SunSITE Southern Africa." 12 February 2000. <http://sunsite.wits.ac.za/previous.html>.
"ZA@PLAY-BOOKS." 13 February 2000. <http://www.mg.co.za/mg/books/archive/biography-archive.html>.
Sobukwe, Robert. "Letter writen to Benjamin Pogrund from Robben Island, 1968." <http://www.wits.ac.za/histp/letter1.htm>.
Oliver Tambo was born on October 27, 1917 in Eastern Pondoland. He graduated from Fort Hare University College with at B.S. degree, and by 1948 began to study law. Tambo started legal practice in December 1952 with Nelson Mandela, establishing the first African legal partnership in South Africa. In 1944 he was a founder of the ANC Youth League and thus became its National Secretary and National Vice-President. Five years later he became a member of the National Executive of the ANC, and soon after was elected Deputy President General. During this time, Tambo was faced with charges of high treason, he was banned from attending meetings for two years, and he was restricted to the magisterial districts of Johannesburg and Benoni for this same time period (Reddy 12).
Tambo was a driving force in the movement toward equal rights for blacks. He saw a problem because the majority of South Africa was made up of blacks, yet the blacks had no power. "The task was not to oblige an external colonial power to leave but to secure transfer of power from a White minority regime to all the people" (7). As the protests of the ANC became more apparent, the leadership anticipated the banning of the organization and mass arrests of its members. Therefore Oliver Tambo was chosen to go abroad to stir up international support and action (8). In May or 1960, as Tambo was visiting foreign countries, Nelson Mandela lead a national strike against the establishment of a White racist republic. This strike was quickly suppressed by great military power (8). At this time Tambo organized a secret conference of leaders of ANC whose goal was to persuade the white minority to rethink, even if it meant using physical violence. Nelson Mandela was then arrested in August 1962, followed by Walter Sisulu in July 1963. This left Oliver Tambo with a great amount of responsibility. It was now up to him to promote action and revive the violent and non-violent struggle (9). Tambo became the acting president of the ANC in 1967 (Encarta).
Mass protests against apartheid reached unprecedented levels in the mid 1970's. People began to volunteer and take part in the fight, practically "unbanning" the ANC (9). The movement was very intense and was possibly South Africa's greatest movement. In 1991 Oliver Tambo gave up the presidency to Nelson Mandela, and he soon passed away in 1993 (Encarta).
"Oliver Tambo." Microsoft Encarta. 1997. <http://encarta.msn.com/>.
Reddy, E.S. Oliver Tambo and the Struggle Against Apartheid. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1987.
1) "Blessing from above for Baby Tambo's Baptism." Sunday Times. 21 Feb. 1999. <www.suntimes.co.za/1999/02/21/news/news09.htm>
2) "APPEAL TO SWAZILAND TO SHELVE BORDER ISSUE, AUGUST 1982." <www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/or/pr/swaz82.html>
3) <www.gradio.co.za/roots/mandela/anc_history5.htm>
In order to find out about South African History and people of South Africa in one subject, I chose to research Bishop Desmond Mpilo Tutu, who is a prominent figure in South Africa and a prevalent piece of its history. Desmond Tutu was born in 1931, and throughout is still continuing life he had accomplished many goals and did good for South Africa and its people. Desmond Tutu was a South African religious leader, and also the first black to be named Anglican Dean of Johannesburg in 1975. In 1978, he became the General Secretary of the South African Council of Churches. He was also Bishop of Johannesburg in 1984 and Archbishop of Cape Town in 1986. All of these accomplishments were made in conjunction with his continual fight against apartheid in South Africa. In 1984 Tutu won the Nobel Peace prize due to his continuos fight against apartheid and quest for peace in South Africa. In the South Africa the apartheid system dealt with putting all of the people in South Africa into a class, the classes were, blacks, coloreds, asians, and whites, and even these categories were often divided from within. Laws were made to separate the different groups, as well as giving whites more for the same amount of work that a black may do. This is what Desmond Tutu was trying to stop in South Africa and the reason for which he received the Nobel Peace Prize. After all of the accomplishments he had already achieved, in 1960, Desmond Tutu was ordained as an Anglican priest, and he is still to this day, South Africa's chief Anglican Bishop. Tutu has also received many other awards from nations around the world due to his struggle for peace and against apartheid in South Africa. Tutu also made a great deal of speeches and gave many sermons fighting against apartheid and about equality in South Africa. I feel that researching Desmond Tutu, and at the same time, learning about apartheid made me feel more for the people of South Africa, and gave me a great feeling of respect for Desmond Tutu and what he has spent his life trying to achieve in South Africa.
"Author: Archbishop Desmond Tutu." Sun Angel Innovations. <www.sun-angel.com/emporium/sndstrue/tutu.html>
"ARCHBISHOP DESMOND M. TUTU." Candler School of Theology, Emory University. <www.emory.edu/CANDLER/Tutu.html>
Tutu, Desmond Mpilo and Mutloatse Mothobi. Hope and Suffering: Sermons
and Speeches. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1983.
"I don't suppose one made the connection explicitly, but deep down in our psyches the gnawing self doubt, self hatred, that insidious poison was being drained out of our systems and we were being prepared to accept the exhilarating obligations of being free responsible persons" (Du Boulay 23).
These words are from the welling spirits of a young Desmond Tutu. This revolutionary inspiration came forth when he began to read and learn about the accomplishments of fellow black brothers from across the ocean living in America. Desmond learned of Jackie Robinson's and Jesse Owens's athletic accomplishments and breakthroughs. His soul swelled with the music of Nat Cole King, Louis Armstrong, Fats Waller, and Marion Anderson. Faced with a similar atmosphere of oppression in an apartheid government of South Africa, Bishop Desmond Tutu overcame struggles and odds of his own to become a successful individual and prominent figure of inspiration among his people. Among Desmond's achievements are his years as a teacher. He passed his Transvaal Bantu Teacher's Diploma, attained a BA at the University of South Africa studying Zulu, Sociology, English, History of Education, Biology, and History. Within this period of his life he married the intelligent and beautiful Leah Shenxane. As a teacher Desmond himself had become an inspiration opening the eyes of his students giving them new ways of thinking and seeing. As a teacher he could control, because he could inspire; he could teach because he easily held the attention and interest of the class (41).
Soon the government would lay its oppressive hand down hindering the educational growth of Native Africans. Many government officials sought to "keep the natives in manual labor." With an aching spirit Desmond turned from teaching to the priesthood. Politics were now being cried from every direction, but Tutu remained involved in priesthood training. At the age of 30 Tutu was ordained as priest. Torn between theology and politics Tutu soon found that politics and theology in South Africa were inseperable. He wrote eloquent letters speaking on behalf of the liberation and humanity of his people, such as a letter to the Prime Minister. As the Anglican Dean of Johannesburg, Desmond Tutu found himself as being the prominent voice of justice, humanity and reason among his people. After his great efforts of advocating change and the liberation of his native people of South Africa on October 5th 1984 Arch Bishop Desmond Tutu was awarded the Nobel peace prize (Du Boulay 200).
This peaceful leader played a key role in the fight for civil rights among his South African people. The Nobel Peace Prize is just a symbol of the victories and triumphs he and his people have had through the struggles in the name of humanity and justice over the course of an oppressive history.
Hendrik Verwoerd was born in 1901, in the Netherlands. He began his career in politics in 1934. He was a nationalist and believed in the cause of nationalism. Just twenty years after his start in politics he was named minister of Native Affairs. While he was in this position, the Bantu Act was passed which transferred direct control of education from the provinces to the Native Affairs Department. This meant that the South African government got control over the black education.
In 1951, the Bantu Authorities Act was passed. This took the separation of whites and blacks a big step further. Verwoerd was named Prime Minister in 1958. He elaborated on the separate development. He "initiated the separate homeland (Bantustan) policy for South Africa's blacks" (Funk). Bantu would be able to develop separate states and possibly become independent. Verwoerd believed in white supremacy. He was the one who intensified the Apartheid (Encyclopedia). Verwoerd was also interested in the making of a republic and organizing separate development of the struggling republic.
On April 9, 1960 a white Transvaal farmer attempted to murder Verwoerd. He felt that Verwoerd was taking "white supremacy too far" and did not believe in what Verwoerd stood for. In 1961, Verwoerd withdrew the country from the Commonwealth of Nations (Funk). But in 1966, Verwoerd was stabbed to death on his bench in Parliament.
I am still a bit confused as to what Hendrik Verwoerd actually did. I do realize that he must have made a lot of problems for the people in Africa at the time. Believing in white supremacy and helping the Apartheid is just wrong. I enjoyed finding out about South African history and certain people in it. I also found it very upsetting to realize exactly what the Apartheid did to the people of South Africa. It would be very interesting to do more research and find out exactly what Verwoerd did with his life.
"Hendrik Verwoerd." Encyclopedia.com. 15 Feb. 2000 <www.encyclopedia.com>
"Hendrik Verwoerd." FunkandWagnalls.com. 15 Feb. 2000 <www.funkandwagnalls.com>
Tommy Collins
I did my research on Dr. Alfred Bitini Xuma. Dr. Xuma was born in 1893
at Manzana Village, Engcobo District, in the Transkei, Eastern Cape Providence.
Dr. Xuma was the seventh child in his family. I found a web sight that
mixed facts of Dr. Xuma with stories told by his friends, discussing the
troubles and hardships he had to undergo during his life. I found this
web site at <http://www.greatepicbooks.com>.
While at the library, I found that there was microform available on Dr.
Xuma. Dr. Xuma was brought to the United States in 1913 by a small Wesleyan
Mission scholarship. His fortune brought him to the University of
Minnesota, where he met Professor William Riley, who directed him toward
a career in medicine. Dr. Xuma attended Marquette University, and Northwestern
University to get his Ph.D. One of the most interesting things that I discovered
about Dr. Xuma was that he worked for several months at the Mayo Clinic.
The Mayo Clinic is in Jacksonville, Fla. I am from Jacksonville, which
creates an interest that is close to home. My grandmother was a patient
at this clinic with lung cancer. Dr. Xuma specialized in gynaecology, obstetrics
and surgery. He worked in many areas of the world practicing medicine.
Dr. Xuma went to Europe and practiced in Budapest, Hungary. Dr. Xuma later
gained his Ph.D. in Tropical Diseases and Hygiene from the London School
of Tropical Medicine, the first black person to do so from that institution.
Dr. Xuma's is a great story of a man achieving his dreams, coming from
having nothing. He brings pride to South Africa's people and shows that
if you work hard, good things can happen.
Alfred Bitini Xuma (1893-1962) was a physician, and he was the president-general
of the African National Congress (ANC). Xuma, the son of a preacher,
was educated at a school in Manzana. In 1908 he went to Clarkebury where
he earned his qualification as a teacher. He left for the U.S.A. in 1913
and studied at Tuskegee Institute and the University of Minnesota. When
he graduated he studied at Marquette and Northwestern, earning his M.D.
in 1926. He returned to South Africa in 1927, and set up practice in Johannesburg.
Xuma then started getting involved in politics. He worked with several
organizations, making speeches about how blacks had a future in South Africa.
In 1935 he co-founded the AAC, serving as its vice-president. His commitment
to the AAC was short-lived. He left South Africa in 1935 to study abroad,
and did not return until 1940. When he returned he was elected president-general
of the ANC. The ANC was in a period of confusion but because of Xuma new
life was breathed into it. Under Xuma the ANC formed a new constitution
in 1943 providing for the protection of the rights of blacks, unity among
them, and opposing discrimination against them. In 1944 he worked together
with the Indian National Congress to campaign against pass laws, and he
demanded the end of the Native Representative Council in 1946. Xuma began
to lose control of the ANC, and in 1949 he was ousted as president-general.
After that Xuma was involved in bus and school boycotts and multiracial
conferences, getting arrested in 1956. In 1958 he named in the High Treason
case, but he was not summoned before a court. In 1961 he was one of the
black delegates to meet the UN secretary-general. He spent the rest of
his career in medicine.