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Agreement of
personal responsibility:
I understand
that TANF is a temporary assistance program and that I am responsible
for:
- Working to
support my family and to become self-sufficient;
- Looking for
and accepting employment;
- Participating
in assignments from my case manager;
- Notifying
my case manager immediately of any changes in my circumstances;
- Keeping appointments
with my case manager in a timely manner, and;
- Arranging
child day care and transportation that allows me to participate in
the Employment Program.
I understand
that it is my responsibility to take advantage of the opportunities
offered by the program. By taking advantage of these opportunities,
I will help my family in becoming self-sufficient.
If you choose
not to sign this Agreement, your TANF benefits will end.
Signature
Welfare recipients
must sign the above agreement if they want to proceed with the process
of applying for and receiving welfare assistance through TANF. And it
isn't just a piece of paper--they are held to this agreement, and a
substantial amount of state-funded resources are devoted to seeing that
they do. Let no one say that receiving welfare doesn't require motivation
. . . but the suggestion that it promotes self-sufficiency and independence
is a little more debatable, as Hays shows in her book. We'll start with
her chapter on work, and finish with the chapter on family.
Enforcing work
There are some assumptions
that underlie this program:
- most welfare
recipients lack the motivation to work
- welfare policies
are the cause of this decline in the work ethic
- welfare recipients
will listen to and understand and follow all rules and regulations
- some relevant
statistics:
- ½
of welfare mothers were off rolls in less than 2 years
- 1/3 worked
on or off the books while getting assistance
- 65% had been
recently employed
- 40% who left
rolls were back on
- most recipients
will spend 3 timesas much time off as on welfare rolls
So, it doesn't appear
as if welfare recipients lack work experience, or are afraid of work.
Could it be that they're afraid of certain kinds of work (i.e.,
low-wage, low-security)? What are their options?
Background of recipients:
- 47% lack high
school diplomas
- 19% have had
some college
- average of two
children
What sorts of obstacles
to many of them face in finding and keeping jobs?
- childcare
- physical/mental
health (them or their children)--this isn't to suggest welfare mothers
have more health problems than others (although their health care
options are more limited), but that if they do have any problems,
they're going to have less resources, less time, and more stress in
dealing with them because of other constraints;
- obligations to
other family members (how many times have you had to miss work to
attend to family matters?)
- unforeseen expenses--someone
gets sick, car breaks down, rent increase . . .
- low-wage low-security
employment
- changing work
schedules (goes with the above)
- transportation
problems
Incentives and
disincentives
It's clear that
caseworkers have a set of carrots (incentives) and sticks (disincentives)
to offer clients. This essentially amounts to a behaviorist approach
to instilling a work ethic, through positive and negative reinforcements.
Some of the incentives include
- childcare subsidies
- transportation
(but tokens or gas vouchers)
- clothing and
supplies for work
- rent and utility
payments
- income disregards
(provides supplemental income up to poverty line without counting
against welfare check)
- supportive services
- car repair
money
- prescription
eyeglasses
- deposit on
new apartment
- reconstructive
dental surgery
- this is ALL
at the DISCRETION OF CASEWORKERS
Some of the disincentives
include
- Various bureaucratic
hoops to be jumped through:
- An initial
interview-two hours minimum, to establish eligibility for benefits
- Documentation
needed: children's social security numbers, birth certificates,
immunization records, rent receipts or a copy of a lease from
landlord, verification of the number of people living in household,
statements from banks/insurance companies; childcare contracts;
utility receipts; school enrollment records
- Why would
welfare reform require all of this documentation (you can think
of both good rational reasons, as well as more political ones)?
- Employment
caseworker-another screening and interview session, which includes
a literacy test, work history, and job skills assessment
- Keeping women
busy--rules:
- Work participation-looking
for work--here are some of the requirements (picture yourself
here ...):
- 40 job
contacts in 30 days. Sounds simple, right? But apps only
at places with open positions. Throw out weekends and this
amounts to two contacts and applications completed per day,
on average.
- if a
person is offered a job and refuses it, s/he's 'sanctioned'
- You also
must be available for 'job readiness/life skills classes.
These can be 3 to 5-day workshops, which include restating
of the many rules, plus motivational talks, therapeutic sessions
on how to deal with the stress of being poor and optionless,
as well as job management 'lessons'--how to get that job,
and how to cope with it
- After
that, you sit back, collect your checks and wait for job offers
to roll in, right? Well, not exactly. If you've had no job
after 30 days, it's time for a training program
- How
are training programs chosen? By career wishes? Personality
inventories? Skills? Nope (close, though)--It's work first--getting
people into jobs as soon as possible. Is this rule-driven
approach likely to lead to self-sufficiency?
- Areas
in which you can be trained include clerical, nurse assistant,
data entry, food service, childcare, 'guest room attendants'
(hotel maids);
- In
some cases it amounts to free training for employers,
who take the best prospects and leave the rest for another
training program, and likely few marketable skills to
show for their troubles.
- Still
no job?? It's time for workfare-community work experience-this
is unpaid work for state, county, city, etc. This is 'work
experience,' and even if you're offered a job elsewhere, you must complete the contractual period. Who benefits from this?
Governments, one would suppose, get free labor out of it.
Local businesses don't benefit particularly, because unlike
workfare under Roosevelt, the people have no money to spend
from their troubles--but do receive some cash or in-kind assistance
through their participation in TANF.
- Reporting-there
is a fairly constant monitoring of recipients' cases. You must:
- Meet
with your caseworker every 30 days
- Contact
your caseworker if you miss a day or even an hour of training
program or workfare placement
- If you
change childcare, open bank account, take out life insurance,
change address, buy a used care, or let a friend stay at
your home, you must report this to your caseworker--if
you get caught not reporting it, you'll be 'sanctioned.'
- If you
get a job you have a choice of continuing with benefits or
closing your case. If you keep the benefits, the 'Big Clock'
keeps ticking--TANF recipients are limited to 60 months of
support over their lifetimes, no more than two years consecutivly,
and some states put higher restrictions on this. Assistance
is temporary, and people are moved from welfare to work.
- A raise
of ten cent raise or more must be reported, also if you have
to take a sick child to doctor's, or change shifts at work,
you must report this as well. If the caseworker finds out,
contacts the employer perhaps, and you have not complied with
the rules, you will likely be sanctioned.
Sanctions
- What is sanctionable?
Here's a short list:
- Failure
to make job contacts, attend scheduled meeting with caseworker,
go to all job readiness classes, being late for a workfare
placement, not cooperating with childcare enforcement, quitting
your job without good cause or getting fired because of a
mistake.
- Some
caseworkers deal only with sanctioned cases--this can potentially use up
a good deal of welfare agencies' resources
- What
is a sanction? Essentially, a recipient's welfare benefits can
be cut if he/she doesn't 'behave appropriately'
- The
first sanction costs one month of benefits, the second
3 months, 3rd 6 months, sometimes recipients are declared permanently ineligible
(this can depend on the states, but we're definitely into
the heavy sticks here)
- According
to Hays' research, most of the recipients followed the rules, fearing sanctions, at
least as well as they understood them, although many women
don't understand why they've been sanctioned (think about Lareau's thesis and class differences in terms of understanding and/or avoiding bureaucracy)
- When
sanctioned, your clock keeps ticking, even though you're
receiving no benefits. Think of it like a penalty box
in hockey, only without the uniforms, salaries, or dental expenses.
- ¼
of clients at any given time are under sanction
- As
mentioned, many don't understand the systems of sanctions--the wording is specific and bureaucratic--even some of the office personnel aren't sure about some of the finer points of the system or how to apply them
- strategies
to avoid sanctions:
- sit
it out and wait for benefits to resume (we're talking
about people on the economic margins here, so this
constitutes major hardship)
- drift
away--the case gets closed, the person may be relying
on relatives, friends, or other private or non-profit
services, or be in a dire situation of homelessness
and destitution
- remove
themselves from rolls. This is a bad move, however.
The clock keeps ticking, and women can't reapply until
sanction is over, and then they must start from the
beginning with all the screening and interviews they've
already completed (a major time investment, among
everything else
Let's look at
the big picture:
- Is this aimed
at self-sufficiency, or enforced work? Are the two compatible?
- Compliance, deference
to employer, the work ethic--this is what recipients are learning
- Following Byzantine
system of rules, sanctions. There is a tension between heavy-handed
social control and people's ability to become more independent
- Low-wage employment,
work-first is the model being used in most cases. It's more
about getting people off welfare. Is the self-sufficiency stuff just
packaging to sell the product? With what philosophy is this consistent?
- How is success
measured?
- Size of welfare
rolls--reductions are viewed as a success--are they necessarily?
- Employment
of TANF recipients--states lose federal funds if their job placement
statistics go down.
- Let's look at
some other statistics:
- Those off
welfare experienced more material hardships than those ON welfare
- Feminization
of poverty-single mothers incomes are declining (by $600/yr in
1990s)
- Lots of churning,
people in and out of poverty--maybe 20% achieve relatively permanent
stability--can you predict what these 20% might look like?
- Are we just shifting
dependency-on men, low-wage employers, extended family members, friends,
private or non-profits, etc.?
- The ticking clock
instills the fear factor--in a sense it's the bank account for the
poor. And many states have their own clocks with different timelines.
Imagine two giant
ticking clocks.
- Administrative
jargon, terms such as 'enhanced disregards,' supportive services,
transitional, and differences between federal and state requirements,
complicate recipients' abilities to be knowledgeable and avoid sanctions.
What's wrong
with this picture?
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